パルデンの会

チベット独立と支那共産党に物言う人々の声です 転載はご自由に  HPは http://palden.org

日本経済新聞本社単独会見 ダライ・ラマ、後継者選びで中国主導けん制



ダライ・ラマ、後継者選びで中国主導けん制
本社単独会見

2014/11/26 0:37
日本経済新聞 電子版

 ニューデリー=岩城聡】チベット仏教の最高指導者、ダライ・ラマ14世(79)はニューデリー日本経済新聞との単独会見に応じ、後継者の選び方について「チベット仏教の輪廻(りんね)転生制度を廃止すべきだ」と明言した。自身の死後に生まれ変わりとされる子供を後継者とする転生制度について、中国政府は自らが関与する形での存続を主張している。中国側をけん制する発言は波紋を広げる見通しだ。

 中国当局無神論を掲げる共産党一党独裁の体制を敷く半面、チベットで転生制度を容認して統治しようとしてきた。ダライ・ラマの死後をにらみ、当局が事実上指定する形で後継者選びを主導する狙いからだ。
 ダライ・ラマ14世は自らが2011年に政治的立場から退いた経緯に触れ「中国政府は私の政治的重要性を懸念しているが、私は政治的立場から引退した。ダライ・ラマ15世も政治的権限を持たない」と強調した。
 後継者のダライ・ラマ15世が政治的な役割とは距離を置く宗教的指導者としてのみ存在するとの見解を示すとともに、チベット統治の問題に直結する転生制度は廃止すべきだと踏み込んだ。
 さらに「私が90歳ごろになった時に、将来のダライ・ラマ制度について最終決定する」と語り、後継者を指名する枠組み作りに自ら主導権を発揮する意思を明確にした。
 中国の習近平国家主席については「柔軟で現実的な思考の持ち主だ」と評価した。そのうえで「我々は中国からの独立を求めていない。チベット自治区における文化や言葉、宗教を守る同様の権利を求めているだけだ」とし、習政権との対話の進展に期待を示した。
 胡錦濤前政権はダライ・ラマ14世を「祖国分裂勢力」として激しく非難し、10年1月からダライ・ラマ側との直接対話を中断している。ダライ・ラマ14世は会見で「中国政府は今までのところ、我々にとって交渉相手とは言えない。直接対話の再開も彼ら次第だ」と指摘した。

 南アフリカで10月中旬に一時開催を予定し、その後中止となった「ノーベル平和賞受賞者世界サミット」では出席を予定していたダライ・ラマ14世に対し、対中関係に配慮した南ア政府がビザを発給しなかった。一連の経緯について「よくあることだ。中国政府はダライ・ラマをコントロールしたいようだが、それは古い考えだ」と語り、「中国の強硬派は、私を故意に分裂主義者の『悪魔』だと呼ぶ。初めて聞いたとき『そうだ、私は悪魔だ』と言った」と、頭から指を伸ばすポーズで一笑に付した。

 民主的な選挙を求める学生による街頭での活動が続く香港にも言及し「彼らは民主主義を非常に憂いているし、それを表現するのは彼らの権利だ」と支持を表明した。一方で「(香港での抗議活動が)大きな変化をもたらすことはない。それは簡単ではない。スローガンを叫ぶだけでは目的は達成できない」と語り、17年に実施する香港行政長官の普通選挙に民主派が実質的に立候補できない制度の変更は難しいとの見方を示した。

 ダライ・ラマ14世 1935年7月、チベット北東部(現中国青海省)の農家に生まれた。2歳の時に13世の転生と認定され、40年に即位した。59年のチベット動乱でインドに亡命。以後、亡命政府のあるダラムサラを拠点に政治と宗教の最高権威者としてチベット問題への国際的な関心を呼び起こし、欧米などで人脈を広げてきた。89年にノーベル平和賞を受賞。2011年に政治的ポストからの引退を正式に表明した。

Dalai Lama leaves the succession question 'up to the Tibetan people'

http://asia.nikkei.com/var/site_cache/storage/images/node_43/node_51/2014/201411/20141125/20141125_dalai_lama/1706204-1-eng-GB/20141125_dalai_lama_article_main_image.jpg

The 14th Dalai Lama

NEW DELHI -- The 14th Dalai Lama recently made waves by suggesting that, perhaps, the Tibetan way of choosing a successor to his spiritual post may have run its course.

     According to Tibetan tradition, the next Dalai Lama would be found by seeking the previous leader's reincarnation. However, the process of lama succession has become increasingly politicized. China has called for the tradition to continue, though some Tibetans fear the rulers in Beijing may seek to use it for their own ends.

     The Nikkei recently spoke with the Dalai Lama, 79, about the future of his role and the Tibet-China issue in general. 

Q: Tibetan spiritual leaders have been chosen in the same fashion for centuries. Yet you have cast doubt on whether that tradition will continue. Why?

A: As early as 1969, I publicly stated that the very institution of the dalai lama, and whether it should continue or not, is up to the Tibetan people. In principle, I still believe that.

     I think maybe four years ago, [during a gathering of Tibetan Buddhist leaders] in November 2011, we raised this question of the future of the dalai lama institution. We decided that when my age reaches around 90, we will have one meeting and finalize [a decision].

Q: Do you think the rebirth system should end with you?

A: Yes. If the Tibetan community, Buddhists and Mongolians -- the majority of people -- feel that the dalai lama institution is not relevant, then there is no question.

     The Chinese consider the dalai lama to be politically important. In 2001, I took a semi-retired position. In 2011, I completely retired [from political life]. The dalai lama institution has no importance in the political field.

Q: Even so, the Chinese government has long harbored concerns about your political influence.

A: I think 99% of Tibetan people trust me and believe me. I think you can make a distinction between the Dalai Lama, the person, and the dalai lama, the institution. As far as the institution is concerned, in 2011 I not only retired but also [ended] a four-century-old [political] tradition. Even if the 15th Dalai Lama comes, [the role will carry] no political power.

     That is decided. [The individual will be] only a religious leader, like any other religious leader.

Q: But perhaps Beijing does not believe that? The Communist Party government, which is officially atheist, has sought to assert authority over the selection of reincarnated senior lamas.

A: They consider the dalai lama institution to be politically important. They want to assert their power; they want to control the dalai lama institution. This is their old thinking.

Q: Sarah Sewall, the U.S. Department of State's special coordinator for Tibetan issues, met you in Dharamshala on Nov. 15. She proposed financial support for public health. What else did you discuss?

A: The special coordinator from the State Department has been coming to India [for years]. Whenever I pass through Washington, she always comes to see me. This is just routine. This time, they offered some help in the health sector.

Q: On three consecutive occasions you have been denied entry to South Africa, most recently for this year's Nobel peace summit. What do you make of this?

A: Oh yes! The Nobel peace summit [had been held] in Rome, in Warsaw, in Japan ... so then they chose Cape Town, South Africa, as the venue. The two Nobel laureates from South Africa sent me an invitation and, naturally, I accepted. However, when we approached the South African Embassy, they refused to give me a visa.

     Some hard-line Chinese government officials consider me a demon. Since the South African government refused to give me permission, the other Nobel laureates boycotted. Finally, they moved the venue to Rome with the help and cooperation of the mayor. Now they are organizing and I will [attend the summit] there.

Q: Liu Xiaobo, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2010, is imprisoned in China.
A: Yes, Liu Xiaobo! There are people who are appealing [for his release]; I am also one of them, [though] not formally.

     On one occasion in Warsaw, I also [called for the release of] Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest in Burma. We prayed that one day she would be able to participate in the Nobel summit. Today, Aung San Suu Kyi can participate. Now, we hope that Liu can participate. In my eyes, Liu poses no danger to the Chinese government.

     Chinese President Xi Jinping is more realistic. In Paris and in New Delhi, he publicly [talked about] preservation of Chinese culture. Buddhism is very important in Chinese culture, and he mentioned that Buddhists should carry more responsibility in preserving [that] culture. This was quite surprising and new for a Chinese communist leader.

Q: So you think the Xi government is softer, or more pragmatic, than the last administration?
A: It seems like that.
Q: Self-immolation cases in Tibet have been on the rise since 2009, with negligible results in terms of Chinese policy.

A: We have got mixed signals. The deputy party secretary in the autonomous region of Tibet, when he met an Indian reporter before Xi was to visit India, he mentioned [plans for me to make a] pilgrimage to a special site. He stated that the talks are going very smoothly.

     Two months later, the party secretary in the autonomous region said some harsh words about [me]. So there is some confusion between them. Similarly in the eastern part of Tibet, they made very harsh statements toward me.

Q: You have said that you are not demanding Tibetan independence, just a high level of autonomy. What is the status of dialogue with China toward that end? 

A: [At this point], they are not dialogue partners for us. In 2010, we had our last meeting with Chinese officials.

     As early as 1974, we decided that we would not seek independence, for our own interests. Chinese writers in the last few years have written around 1,000 articles that support our approach and are very critical of Chinese government policy. 

     At the government level, hard-line officials still repeat that the Dalai Lama is a "splitist." The whole world knows we are not seeking independence. They deliberately call me a separatist. Among leaders like Xi, there is a more realistic approach. 

Q: Are you hoping the Chinese government will initiate the next round of dialogue?

A: It is entirely up to them. Our position is the same. We are not seeking independence, [even though] Chinese officials always accuse us of claiming Greater Tibet. 

     China sets up autonomous regions [where] minorities have different degrees of autonomy. We ask the Chinese government that [the entire] Tibetan area ... [be granted] the same right to preserve our culture, language and religion. 

Q: What is your view of the Hong Kong student movement, which some say is destabilizing China's "one country, two systems" concept?

A: The students of Hong Kong are using freedom of expression and are very concerned about democracy. This is their right. At the same time, the Chinese government always says, "Democracy, democracy!" But still there is tight control.

     The spirit of the Hong Kong movement is good. They should keep it. However, sometimes their approach needs to be more realistic. Just shouting slogans may not achieve their goal.

Q: What do you think about Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi?

A: He is very active, very efficient. He goes many places and makes good friends everywhere. I met him when he was chief minister of Gujarat. We had a very nice conversation.

Interviewed by Nikkei staff writer Satoshi Iwaki